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23

Free issue of MICHAEL

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government-created money, not to fight them,

but to imitate them.

He wanted to get on the right side from a

personal standpoint, for it would never do to

make enemies of those so powerful as to be able

to destroy public money. His natural leanings

toward a central private money creation system

were strengthened when he realized that such

a system could be put over on an uninformed

public.

During the war, Hamilton already developped

plans to carry such inequity in America. On April

30, 1781, twenty-year-old Hamilton, who had

gained ascendancy over Robert Morris, the Sec-

retary of the Treasury for President Washington

dared to write to Morris: “A national debt, if it

is not excessive, will be a national blessing; a

powerful cement of union; a necessity for keep-

ing up taxation, and a spur to industry.”

America handed over to the financiers

1

789: The American Constitution has just

been adopted and the first President, George

Washington, formed his first cabinet. He wants to

give the Treasury to Morris. Much to his surprise,

Morris refused and recommends Hamilton. Then

Washington commits the biggest mistake of his

administration, that will compromise all his work.

Hamilton became the first secretary of the U.S.

Treasury (Minister of Finance).

Benjamin Franklin died in 1790. Hamilton now

feels free to implement his plans, but he must

maneuver; the U.S. Constitution is clear on the

exclusive authority of Congress for the isssuance

of the currency. While Franklin is gone, Jefferson

is still there and will certainly watch over a work

in which he took such a large part.

The debt of the United States, especially con-

tracted for war purposes, then rises to $ 75 mil-

lion, partly owed to foreigners, and partly owed

to American individuals who received those

bonds from the Rothschilds. The new nation

needs the means of exchange (cash in circula-

tion) to enable the conducting of business. It is

sovereign. The wisest thing would be to issue

the necessary currency, metal or paper, and put

it into circulation by buying back its debt. Ham-

ilton had a different philosophy. He proposed

that the debt be converted into interest-bearing

bonds. Instead of creating debt-free currency to

be put into circulation, which meant an average

of $19 per head, he preferred to create a core

national debt of $ 19 per head.

The new Congress had the power “to coin

money and regulate its value.” Hamilton must,

therefore, find a way to set aside this power, if

his coveted central money- creating bank, pat-

terned after the Bank “of England” was to come

into being. He worked on Congressmen to sup-

port his plan for converting the public obliga-

tions into interest-bearing bonds. He passed out

hints to key men regarding recommendations in

his report, which should have been properly an

official secret. As the result, these certain Con-

gressmen scrambled to pick up, at enormous

discounts, the paper which they were told would

be converted into interest-bearing bonds.

The great agricultural population fought

Hamilton under the leadership of Thomas Jef-

ferson, who called Hamilton’s bank a “ prostitu-

tion of laws which constitute the pillars of our

whole system of jurisprudence.” Hamilton said:

“It shall be under a private and not a public

direction — under the guidance of individual

interest and not of public policy.” Despite Jef-

ferson’s efforts, Hamilton was able to put his

bank plan into action.

Communications were slow. The uninformed

rural regions gave up their bonds for 15 cents on

the dollar. One member of the House actually

sent two fast vessels to the South to purchase

bonds. How Hamilton was able to carry his point,

that is, sell out the new nation, is understood by

the fact that 45% of the members of the House

bought this paper on his advance information.

There is nothing new about the “art” of using

Judases.

The only thing left for Hamilton to do was to

seal his work by establishing a private central

bank to create and lend money, according to

the principles of the Bank of England. Hamilton

undertook this in 1791. It hardly met opposition

in the Senate, where there were still representa-

tives of the power of money. But he faced the

Jeffersons, Madisons, Adams, etc. However he

acquired the art of deceiving and fooling. Ham-

ilton said: “The emitting of paper money by the

authority of government is wisely prohibited to

the individual states by the national constitution;

and the spirit of that prohibition ought not to be

disregarded by the government of the United

States. The wisdom of the government will be

shown in never trusting itself with the use of so

dangerous and seductive an expedient.”

In Hamilton’s opinion, this “dangerous and