"Social Credit is the policy of a philosophy. It is based on something that you profoundly believe what, at any rate, I profoundly believe, and hope you will — to be a portion of reality. It is probably a very small portion, but we have glimpsed a portion of reality, and that conception of reality is a philosophy, and the action that we take based on that conception is a policy, and that policy is Social Credit...
"'If there is one thing which seems to me beyond dispute, it is that you cannot have a policy (here again I use the word in the way in which I have defined it), the policy of a country, policy of a race, or of a nation, without having a philosophy behind it...
Our actions in this country — our penal system, our industrial system, our methods of dealing with business — actually have no relationship whatever to Christianity, or anything which could be remotely related to it at all.
"Our policy, so far as it can be defined, and the policy of this country, by common consent of all other countries, is the most difficult to disentangle, is related philosophically to the adulation of money. Money is an abstraction. Money is a thing of no value whatever. Money is nothing but an accounting system. Money is nothing worthy of any attention at all, but we base the whole of our actions, the whole of our policy, on the pursuit of money; and the consequence, of course, is that we become the prey of mere abstractions like the necessity for providing employment....
"What is being aimed at so far as you can put it in a few words, is a pyramidal slavery system by which people are kept in their places, and it is done by elevating things into rewards, and giving them values which don't exist."
C. H. Douglas, "The Policy of a Philosophy", an address to a conference of Social Crediters in London, England, on June 26, 1937.
"The most grotesque objections have been raised to issues of credit in the manner I have just outlined; in fact, it is a remarkable thing that large numbers of persons, who cannot be suspected of direct connection with the banking system, seem feverishly anxious to ridicule it. The first objection raised is that it would raise prices, a really remarkable statement in view of the fact that the suggested use of credit is absolutely contingent on a fall in prices.
"If cornered in regard to this objection, these persons say it would result in a queue of the type familiar during the latter years of the first world war. The answer to this is, of course, that again the suggested credit issue is contingent on the ascertained fact that potential production is always in excess of consumption.
“It will usually be found that when the quasi-practical objections have thus been disposed of, the objector discloses his real position, which is what he calls a moral objection, that he hates the very idea that anyone should be comfortable in this world without being made uncomfortable in the process.
"Some years ago I had the experience of discussing these proposals with Mr. and Mrs. Sydney Webb, and after disposing, one after the other, of the objections raised to the feasibility of the scheme, I was met with an objection with which, I confess, I found myself wholly unable to deal, and I recognise that objection in the Labour Party on the Douglas proposals. The words in which it was made to me are worth putting on record.
“They were: 'I don't care whether the scheme is sound or not; I don't like its object.'
"That is a clear-cut issue; it is an issue which goes right down to the bedrock of human philosophy. It claims that human nature is essentially vile, and can only be kept within bounds by being kept so busy that it has no time to get into mischief."
C. H. Douglas in "The Breakdown of the Employment System", pp. 11-12.
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