On May 27, 2013, Most Rev. Christian Lepine, Arch-
bishop of Montreal, gave a presentation at the confer-
ence “Bridging the Secular Divide: Religion and Can-
adian Public Discourse”, held at McGill University. The
following text, The Secular Government and Religion
Duality, recapitulates this presentation, and is also re-
produced on the website of the archdiocese (www.dio-
cesemontreal.org):
Discussions about secular government and religion
are important because they concern democracy and
human dignity.
There are two pitfalls that must always
be avoided in society: theocracy and state religion.
Our society itself is not secular, but pluralist. The gov-
ernment, however, is secular. The question is whether it
consists of an open secularism or a closed one.
What is the difference between a theocracy and
a state religion? In a theocracy, a religion takes over
the political role. (
Editor’s note: one country that fits
that description is Saudi Arabia, where only the Mus-
lim faith has the right to exist officially, and where the
law of the State is the law of Islam, sharia. The Roman
Catholic Church does not ask for such an absolute
power: she only asks for the freedom to express her-
self and propose her message, and the very fact she
is separated from the State allows her to denounce
unjust laws or situations that might be caused by the
State.
) The other pitfall to avoid is the opposite, a state
religion, which is a religion or a system of values that is
exploited by politics.
Our democracy is designed to be pluralist. Our so-
ciety is composed of various religious and philosophic-
al communities, and is home to a wide range of schools
of thought. A society that is not ruled by a religion or in
which there is no dominating state religion, and where
religious freedom, the freedom to believe or to not be-
lieve, is respected, is likely to progress.
Religious freedom includes the freedom to not
believe in God, for atheism is itself a form of faith—in
that which is material, or in humankind—which is ex-
pressed through various trends. Every human being
wants to find the meaning of life, and doing so requires
freedom of conscience, whether it be religious, agnos-
tic, or atheist. Religious freedom applies to all sets of
beliefs and values, and an absence of religious freedom
could be interpreted as a form of atheism that is im-
posed by the state religion, not only to the detriment
of religious people, but also to people of other beliefs.
Secularism that is closed to religion
gives rise to
a state religion, for once its policy is enforced; it be-
comes permanently positioned in opposition to reli-
gion’s public dimension. Closed secularism attempts to
inculcate in people the belief that this life is the only life
and that human beings should not hope for anything
other than present life, no matter how great their thirst
for the absolute may be. An individual could hold this
belief, and an association could try to propagate it, but if
the state embraces such a belief, we find ourselves back
at the beginning.
We wanted a society where no religion was imposed
on us, and we ended up with a government that impos-
es its philosophy, its system of values, and its discourse
on religions. In doing so, the government claims to rep-
resent all aspects of life and contributes to the loss of a
sense of God and to the destruction of the transcendent,
reducing religion to a theoretical cultural phenomenon.
Not only is religious freedom at risk here, but so
is humanity, which is stripped of its true greatness of
having been created in God’s image, and which is left
powerless before a state that assumes it has the power
to decide what is good and bad without referring to a
set of moral values that transcend it. Secularism that is
closed to religion can exist as a concept, but if it takes
over politics, or if politics makes use of it, it becomes a
state religion whose beliefs are imposed.
Secularism that is open to religion
, and respects
the religions as it respects the different forms of athe-
ism and agnosticism, gives back to the people their own
freedom, responsibility, and conscience, and sets the
stage for them to continue their search.
Religious and non-religious acts, public or private,
cannot be imposed on people, nor forbidden from them.
Everyone has a right to religious freedom, whether it is
practiced individually or jointly with others.
The secular government here is a government that
is open to religious freedom, and this religious freedom
is manifested with a respect for a free connection with
God and all its implications. Here, the government and
religion duality becomes a strength; it keeps humanity
at the heart of things, in all its dignity, allowing people
to refer to their conscience in determining their involve-
ment in family, work, and society, while remaining open
to God and to the transcendence of moral values.
Secular does not have to mean without God or
against God. It refers to a commitment to a world that
is autonomous and that is free to be inspired by God
and propelled by the fundamental universal values out-
lined in God’s commandments, which reflect humanity’s
vocation. Atheists and agnostics also benefit from such
a freedom because a life constantly evolves. In a plur-
alist democracy, we can only gain from secularism, for
in keeping paired an open secular government and reli-
gious freedom, we protect ourselves from being impris-
oned by absolutisms and from having a closed future.
Archbishop Christian Lepine
How the separation of Church
and State should be understood
by
Louis Even
The Pharisees, anxious to trap Jesus in His talk,
sent their followers to Him, along with the Herodians
who were supporters of Rome, to pose this question:
“Is it lawful to pay tribute to Caesar, or not ?”
(Mat-
thew 22:17.)
In those days, “tribute” was something different
from the income tax paid by our free citizens today.
Tribute implied subjugation: it was a contribution ex-
acted of the vanquished by the conqueror, as Rome
had conquered Palestine by force.
Our Lord answered by first exposing the trap
prepared by the Pharisees:
“Hypocrites, why do you
thus put Me to the test ?”
He then asked them to
show Him the coin of tribute, on which was engraved
the image of Caesar. Then he said to them:
“Render,
therefore, to Caesar the things that are Caesar’s,
and to God the things that are God’s.”
A curtailed quote
Usually, those who quote this line of the Gospel
do it to stress the duty to pay taxes. And they do so
with much eloquence. Most of the time, they quote
the first part of the text only — that which concerns
Caesar. The latter part, concerning God, is usually
passed over in silence, because these speakers are
too much preoccupied with the importance of Caesar
today.
Even when people quote the first part, they
seldom draw attention to the limitative nature of
the words “what is Caesar’s”. We say “limitative”,
because Caesar does not own everything. But ap-
parently, if one listened to the “tax preachers”, one
should give to Caesar all that he demands. Caesar
usually has a good appetite, caring little whether
there are things that are due to those he robs by
taxes.
You understand that Caesar means the govern-
ment, or more precisely, the governments, since
there are as many Caesars as there are levels in the
political structure of a nation. In Canada, there are
municipal Caesars, provincial Caesars, and a federal
Caesar. And before long, to top it all off, perhaps we
will also be afflicted with a supranational Caesar with
universal jurisdiction.
The result of this hierarchy of Caesars, stretching
higher and higher, has been the extracting of larger
and larger “tributes”. The ears of these Caesars have
become more and more distant from the voices of
the people, while their sticky fingers reach down into
every strata of society, taking every bit of our incomes
and squeezing all they can from every economic trans-
action.
But does something belong to Caesar simply
because he demands it ?
Limits to Caesar’s power
In a speech delivered in the House of Commons
on July 6, 1960, during the debate on the Canadian
Bill of Rights, Noel Dorion, the MP for Bellechasse (a
few months after he became a minister in the Con-
servative cabinet), quoted the reply of Jesus to the
Herodians. However, Mr. Dorion did not use it in fa-
vour of taxes. On the contrary, the topic debated in
Ottawa that day was human rights and not the rights
of Caesar. Mr. Dorion rightly remarked:
“It is Christ who really set forth the first char-
ter of human rights, summing it up in these suc-
cinct words which, after two thousand years, are
still timely: Render to Caesar the things that are
Caesar’s, and to God the things that are God’s.”
Mr. Dorion did not elaborate further on this state-
ment. But considering the subject of the debate, he
certainly meant that man, the human person, belongs
to God, and not to Caesar; that Caesar does not have
render to Caesar
what is Caesar’s
and to God
what is God’s
u
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MICHAEL October/November/December 2013
MICHAEL October/November/December 2013
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